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07/25/2022 07:46 PM EDT
Ned Price, Department Spokesperson
Washington, DC
2:15 p.m. EDT
[]MR PRICE: Good afternoon. Welcome to Monday.
You all heard this from the Secretary this morning, but I think it bears repeating, and that is that we strongly condemn the Burmese military’s executions of pro-democracy activists and elected leaders.??These heinous acts of violence demonstrate the regime’s brutality in a new and horrible light, and we remain concerned it also reflects an ongoing disregard for the human rights and rule of law, as reports indicate the activists were denied legal representation and the ability to appeal.??The United States urges all partners and allies to join us in condemning the regime’s actions and stepping up pressure on the regime and its supporters. We call on the regime to cease executions, release all those unjustly detained, and restore Burma’s path to democracy.
With that, I’ll take your questions.
QUESTION: All right. Well, I wasn’t going to start with that, but I will now. So what are you going to do about it?
MR PRICE: Well, obviously this is – has just transpired in recent hours. We have been in touch with our partners around the world, to include our partners in ASEAN. We are urging, as I said just a moment ago, all countries, all partners, all allies to add their voices when it comes to the condemnation of this heinous affront to the rule of law, this heinous affront to human rights, this heinous affront to the Burmese people, who have since February of last year expressed an ardent and sincere desire to put their country on the path back to democracy.
At the same time, we are urging all of our partners to step up that economic pressure, that political pressure on the regime in Burma. Not only is this an affront to the human rights of the Burmese people, not only is it a slap in the face to the millions of Burmese who wish to see their country back on the path to democracy, it’s also a direct rebuke of the appeal that the junta heard and the world heard from the ASEAN chair, Cambodia in this case, and other ASEAN leaders who warned the junta in no uncertain terms not to carry out these executions.
We underscore that with the escalating violence with these horrific atrocities that the junta has carried out, there can be no business as usual with this regime. We urge all countries to ban the sale of military equipment to Burma, to refrain from lending the regime any degree of international credibility, and we call on ASEAN to maintain its important precedent only allowing Burmese non-political representation at regional events.
QUESTION: Yeah. So what are you going to do about it, the United States?
MR PRICE: Well, so —
QUESTION: What is the Biden administration going to do?
MR PRICE: We all – we are already responding to this. I said we have been in close touch with our partners, including our ASEAN partners. I think you will see more from us and from our partners in terms of condemnation. And we have made clear all along – since February of last year – that the costs on the Burmese regime, the costs on the junta, will continue to escalate. We will continue to escalate those costs with the economic pressure that we have imposed and that we’re prepared to impose.
We of course don’t preview our own sanctions, but all options that serve to cut off the regime’s revenue, which it uses to perpetrate this violence – it’s on the table. We – when considering any such actions, we’re of course looking to any potential humanitarian implications for the people of Burma, who have already suffered far too much for far too long, since this junta came to power. But again, all options are on the table. We’re going to work with our partners to see to it that the steps we take going forward are coordinated so that they have maximum effect on the regime.
QUESTION: But do you think that condemnation, which you just called for again and which you’ve asked for all your partners and allies to join in, is – and – is enough by itself?
MR PRICE: It’s not enough. It is not enough, and it’s certainly not the totality of our response. Our response includes the statements that you’ve heard, the statements that you will hear from the United States and our partners, but the economic measures, the political measures, the diplomatic measures, and the very clear call that we have put out to partners around the world that it cannot be business as usual with the junta.
QUESTION: Just to follow up on that, do you – you’re urging partners to step up. I think a lot of activists, a lot of Myanmar people have been asking for you – for the U.S. Government to step up in terms of its response for a long time in that you’ve done a lot of sanctions, but you haven’t done any sanctions that target the gas exports that are the main source of foreign revenue for the junta. So why haven’t you taken any action on that, if you’re asking for – not to be business as usual for the junta? Why haven’t you taken any action on these gas revenues, and will you do that now?
MR PRICE: All means all. When I say that all options are on the table, I mean that all options are on the table. We are discussing additional response options that we could implement ourselves, that we could implement in coordination with our partners – our partners in ASEAN, our other likeminded partners with whom we’ve worked since February of last year to seek to put Burma back on the path to democracy.
Even as we consider all of those measures, we are also cognizant of what needs to be a central charge, and that is to do no harm, or to do no additional harm in this case. It’s clear that the coup has done tremendous harm to the people of Burma, hundreds of whom have been killed in this senseless violence, too many of whom find themselves political prisoner of a regime that isn’t tolerating any form of dissent or opposition.
So as we consider our next steps, as we consider all potential options, we are also taking a very close look at any potential humanitarian implications of steps that we might take.
QUESTION: You’re talking about enhancing support for the Burmese people, though obviously a lot of the Burmese people have taken up arms against the junta. Do you still draw the line on military support for the opposition to the junta, or is that something you’re going to consider?
MR PRICE: We are seeking to put Burma on the path back to democracy. Our goal in this is a political one. Our goal in this is to help advance the same objective and the same goal that we’ve heard the people of Burma, so many of whom have taken peacefully to the streets to demonstrate their support for a return to democracy. It’s our goal to support them, and we will continue to support them with appropriate means.
QUESTION: What if other countries – allies, partners – were to offer support for military opponents, would you be against that?
MR PRICE: Again, our goal is a return to democracy. A protracted conflict, a protracted civil war, would not be in anyone’s interests, not the least the people of Burma.
QUESTION: Just to clarify, when you’re saying all measures are on the table, you’re talking about economic, diplomatic means?
MR PRICE: Correct.
QUESTION: When you said that all countries need to condemn and take action, could you talk to the role of some of the major players there, including China in particular, India to a certain extent, that haven’t completely distanced themselves from the junta?
MR PRICE: Well, now is the time, because you were right, Shaun, in your question that there are countries around the world that haven’t done enough, certainly, when it comes to rhetorical condemnation, when it comes to imposing costs, when it comes to the core charge that it cannot be business as usual with the junta. We have discussed the goal of putting Burma back on the path to democracy with virtually all of our allies and partners in the region. There are some countries in the region – you named a couple of them – where we have had in-depth discussions.
When the Secretary met with Wong Yi not all that long ago, Burma was a topic of discussion. We have discussed it with other senior PRC officials. Arguably, no country has the potential to influence the trajectory of Burma’s next steps moreso than the PRC. And we’ve called on all countries to act responsibility, to use their influence in a way that is constructive, to use their influence in a way that works for the interests of the Burmese people, and that ultimately puts Burma back on the path to democracy.
The fact is that the regime has not faced the level of economic and in some cases diplomatic pressure that we would like to see. We are calling on countries around the world to do more. We will be doing more as well.
QUESTION: Could we go to a different topic (inaudible) – also more on Myanmar?
MR PRICE: Sure.
[]QUESTION: Russia?
MR PRICE: Sure.
QUESTION: There – and Ukraine. There was a statement that the Secretary made on Saturday regarding the strike in Odessa. Just following up on that, does the United States believe this was a violation of the agreement reached in Turkey?
MR PRICE: So you saw the statement from the Secretary over the weekend. As he alluded to at the time, Russia’s brazen attack against the port city of Odessa only 24 hours after this agreement was signed, it certainly undermines the credibility of Russia’s commitments to the other parties to this deal – the United Nations, Turkey, and Ukraine – as well as its broader humanitarian commitment that it made in the July 21st agreement.
It also highlights, we believe, that Moscow continues to behave in ways that intentionally prevent desperately needed food from reaching many of the world’s most poor, those who are suffering the most acute effects of the food insecurity that Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine has exacerbated. Despite these attacks, we do understand that the parties are continuing preparations to open Ukraine’s Black Sea ports for food and fertilizer exports. We are clear-eyed going forward. But we also continue to expect that the Black Sea agreement will be implemented. We know that the world will be watching, as you heard from the Secretary. We will be working with our partners around the world to see to it that Moscow is held accountable for the agreement it reached. And that’s why we’ll continue to remain in close coordination with President Zelenskyy, the Government of Ukraine, the secretary general, our Turkish allies who were instrumental in bringing this agreement to conclusion.
QUESTION: Can I follow on this? So you think this agreement will endure? I mean, despite this attack and possibly similar attacks committed in the future? That’s how you see it? It’s enduring?
MR PRICE: It – this agreement needs to endure. The people throughout the world – whether it’s in sub-Saharan Africa, Latin American, parts of the Indo-Pacific who have suffered the worst consequences of food insecurity that Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine has exacerbated – it needs to endure for their benefit. We have heard from the parties that they’re moving forward with preparations to see an initial tranche of food and fertilizer move out in the coming days.
It is certainly our hope that that happens, but again, we’re also clear eyed. We acknowledge that Moscow’s track record – when it comes to previous deals that it has struck – is not exactly a cause for optimism. It harkens back to what we heard and what we saw from Russia in the context of the humanitarian corridors that were to have been opened for evacuations of civilians and others from besieged cities. In some cases, those humanitarian corridors were opened for just a few days or, in some cases, just a few hours, before Moscow appeared to renege on its agreement.
In this case, it’s very clear that Moscow, as one of my colleagues put it last week, has felt the heat of global opprobrium because the world now knows – it is now clear that rising food prices, rising energy prices, food insecurity more broadly has been exacerbated by, in recent months, one cause more than any other, and that is Russia’s war against Ukraine. It’s very clear that Russia has felt the pressure. We – for those of you who were with us in Bali, Indonesia the other week for the G20 foreign ministers meeting, many of you saw this up close. The only walkout from the G20 was not by the United States, not by any one of our allies and partners, but by Foreign Minister Lavrov who, after sitting through a number of statements of strong condemnation, a number of statements of strong concern from countries around the world who have felt the acute pain of this growing food insecurity, determined that he had heard enough. And he left the session – before the session, in fact, on global food insecurity.
So it’s clear that the world has been able to speak with – largely with one voice on this. We will continue to do what we can to support the UN, to support our Turkish allies because we know the importance of this grain, of this fertilizer reaching global markets.
QUESTION: So you said last week that Russian grain is not in any way sanctioned or there are no sanctions imposed —
MR PRICE: That’s right.
QUESTION: — but the Russians claim that there are secondary sanctions that impact their ability to export their grain and so on. Can you comment on this?
MR PRICE: The Russians have made a number of claims in recent days, but also over recent months in the context of Russia and Ukraine that amount to nothing more than misinformation or, in some cases, disinformation. The fact is that we have been very specific in designing this sanctions regime to see to it that food and fertilizer from Russia is entirely exempted, to see to it that companies around the world have the assurances that they need to export these products, knowing the vital role that Ukraine’s grain, Ukraine’s fertilizer – fertilizer and food from the region plays given that it is essentially a breadbasket for the world.
QUESTION: Ned, you keep saying this – making this comment about the Russians being isolated and Lavrov walking out of the G20. The guy just got off of a – has just finished up a five – or four or five country tour of Africa starting in Egypt, going to Ethiopia, then Uganda, the Congo. That’s not exactly a picture of isolation, is it?
MR PRICE: Matt, we – I think you were – you were there.
QUESTION: Yeah, I was.
MR PRICE: You saw and you heard some of the messages that emanated from the G20, the G20 being a fairly diverse cross-section of countries with diverse interests and perspectives. But there was a broad consensus among this collection of countries, some of the world’s leading economies, that Russia should be condemned for its actions, that its actions were exacerbating and perpetuating the global food crisis. The – it is becoming clear that Russia is recognizing that its own actions have caused it to become a pariah. I made an allusion —
QUESTION: So —
MR PRICE: — to this a moment ago, but —
QUESTION: So you’re saying that these trips that they’re – I mean, the defense minister was just in Turkey, right, signing this agreement. Now, what happened in Odessa happened in Odessa, but I mean he – he went there. President Putin was just in Iran. Okay, fine, it’s Iran, and you might say that, okay, that shows desperation, but you’re saying that all these foreign visits that they’re doing are signs of desperation, of Russia’s increasing isolation? Because it doesn’t really compute that way.
MR PRICE: It’s very clear that Foreign Minister Lavrov is seeking to engage with countries to try to stem the onslaught of outrage against Russia. We’ve made this point before. We are much less concerned with whom Russia is speaking than the messages that Russia is hearing from countries. The message that Foreign Minister Lavrov heard, the message that Russia heard from the G20, the message that Russia has heard from the UN, the message that Russia has heard from other countries – other blocs of countries – has been increasingly clear about the toll of Moscow’s invasion, the toll of Moscow’s brutal aggression against Ukraine.
QUESTION: May I follow on grain?
MR PRICE: Sure, please.
QUESTION: Ambassador Power told CNN today that U.S. administration is preparing so-called Plan B, means alternative plan to transport grain from Ukraine. Could you provide more details? And does it mean that we need this plan in case if Istanbul agreement will not work, or it will be realized at the same time?
MR PRICE: So we are looking at all options when it comes to the disposition of Ukrainian grain, and we’re working with our Ukrainian partners, who are in the first instance responsible for seeing the export of their grain because it is, again, their grain. The – it is clear that opening Ukraine’s Black Sea ports would be the most effective means by which to increase exports of Ukrainian grain and other foodstuffs. We’ve made this point before, but there are some 20 tons of grain that are in Ukraine’s Black Sea ports ready to go, have been ready to go for in some cases months, and they have been stuck there owing principally to one element and one element alone. That is Russia’s blockade of the Black Sea.
But all along we’ve made the point that we are looking at and helping our Ukrainian partners with every option to increase Ukrainian grain exports. And in fact, prior to the signing of this deal, Ukraine’s grain exports have increased somewhat given the use of overland routes, given other tactics that our Ukrainian partners have put into play.
Before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Ukraine was exporting some six tons of grain per month. Ukraine is nowhere near that at the presence – at the present, excuse me – but Ukraine’s exports have increased month over month from February to March to April to May and in subsequent months. So we have been able to work with them in – to increase those exports in some ways, but we all know that the most effective means and the largest-scale means by which to increase those exports will be through the Black Sea.
Shaun.
QUESTION: Could I just – this follows up on Said’s question a bit, but specifically, Lavrov was in Cairo addressing the Arab League. He said that – promising to supply grain from Russia to Egypt and to other countries, and also blaming the United States for the impediments. They are saying it disrupted the supply chain. Do you have any either reaction to his remarks or the fact that he’s speaking there to the Arab League?
MR PRICE: Well, let me just say broadly about his remarks, which I had a chance to see, it is a reflection of the fact that virtually every single day senior Russian officials are putting to the lie just about everything we heard from Moscow before the start of the invasion on February 24th.
We consistently heard – and I’m sure many of you remember this – emanate from the Kremlin that what was then a military buildup and ultimately the incursion was, as Moscow would tell you, the result of some perceived threat from some imagined enemy. We heard it was Ukraine, we heard it was NATO, we heard it was the United States, we heard it was the West. We of course called that a lie at the time because it was, but now, months into this brutal war of aggression, I think it’s fair to say that the Russians are doing as good a job of perhaps anyone in highlighting their own duplicity and putting to the lie, as I said before, just about everything we heard prior to the invasion.
Just yesterday – and you referenced this, Shaun – Foreign Minister Lavrov said Moscow’s overarching goal in Ukraine was to free the Ukrainian people from its quote/unquote “unacceptable” regime, expressing, as one news account put it, Russia’s war aims in some of the bluntest terms yet. He said that in front of the Arab League, in a region where, coincidentally, Russia has at least previously tried to spew disinformation and propagated misinformation to the contrary.
Last week, once again, Foreign Minister Lavrov, he did precisely the same thing. He said publicly what we have always known, saying that Russia’s quote/unquote “geographical goals” in Ukraine go well beyond the Donbas. They include Kherson, they include Zaporizhzhia, they include other sovereign regions of Ukraine.
But it hasn’t only been Foreign Minister Lavrov. Earlier this year – you’ve heard Secretary Blinken allude to this previously, but President Putin himself compared himself to Peter the Great and said that, as the Secretary reminded all of us, when Peter waged war with Sweden he was simply taking back what belonged to Russia. President Putin went on to say that now Russia is doing more than – doing nothing more than to seek to take back what is purportedly theirs.
In a strange way, I think again it’s fair to say that the Russians have become some of the best debunkers of their own lies, of their own propaganda. They are now telling the world what has been clear for some time, that this is nothing more than a war of territorial conquest.
So that’s why throughout this we have sought to seek to – we have sought to galvanize the international community to stand up, knowing that anytime the rules-based international order is undermined anywhere it’s eroded everywhere. And the Russians have been telling us in very clear terms that’s precisely what they’re seeking to do.
QUESTION: On the international order – I’m sorry, but did you hear what Putin said last week? He was at some sort of a conference akin to the Aspen Institute, and he said that basically the old world order has collapsed, there’s – the world is ready for a new world order. I mean, I assume he was referring to the one begun under President George Herbert Walker Bush in 1990.
MR PRICE: The same rules-based international order that has enabled countries like Russia, like some of its current partners, to experience growth, to come into the international system, to enjoy economic integration, to enjoy political integration – all until President Putin decided to put an end to that and to undo 30 years of economic integration, to make Russia an outcast from the global community of countries.
So yes, this has been a system that has fueled over the course of not only 30 years but really going back to the end of the Second World War some eight decades of unprecedented levels of stability, of security, of prosperity, the spread of democracy as well. The fact is that this is an international system that has benefited countries around the world, including the countries that are seeking to challenge it. In many cases, it’s not an exaggeration to say the countries that are posing the most acute challenge to it.
Janne.
QUESTION: Thank you, Ned. I have a question on Russia and North Korea. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov announced recently Western countries were opposed to peace talks with Ukraine. Is this true?
MR PRICE: That is absolutely not true. President Zelenskyy has said very clearly that this war will have to end diplomatically. We know this war will have to end through diplomacy, through dialogue. What is also true is that the Russians have shown no indication whatsoever that they are prepared to engage in constructive dialogue, in constructive diplomacy. You don’t have to take our word for it; just about every world leader that has spoken to President Putin has in some cases said publicly, in some cases conveyed to us privately, that there seems to be no room on the part of the Russian Federation for any sort of real negotiation, the kind of negotiation that the Ukrainians have been willing to take part in since the beginning of this Russian invasion of Ukraine.
I am reminded of another lie that we heard emanate from the Kremlin that peace talks were ongoing in March only to have what the Russians claimed was a Ukrainian withdrawal from them. The great irony, of course, is that it is Russia, not Ukraine, that is responsible for perpetrating this brutality against the Ukrainian people; that is responsible for the continued bombardment, the continued military operations on sovereign Ukrainian soil; and it’s Ukraine’s leadership, including President Zelenskyy, that has consistently said they are – they recognize this will have to end diplomatically and they are prepared to engage diplomatically. Russia could not say the same.
[]QUESTION: On North Korea, recently National Security Council also said that North Korea is exploiting funds through ransomware hacking. How is the United States responding to this cyber hacking, I mean cyber hacking criminal groups?
MR PRICE: We have spoken quite a bit in this briefing room, and you’ve heard from other senior officials our profound concerns, the international community’s profound concerns, with the DPRK WMD programs. But that is not the extent of the challenge that the DPRK poses to the international community, and its activities in cyberspace are another such challenge.
We have released information indicating some of these nefarious and malign activities that the DPRK regime is undertaking online – in some cases to raise funds that go towards its illicit WMD programs. We have used the suite of policy tools at our disposal, be it economic, be it political, be it law enforcement tools as well, to pursue those actors from the DPRK who are responsible for this, just as we have used some of those same suite of tools to go after those responsible for the proliferation of the DPRK’s WMD programs.
[]QUESTION: I have a couple of questions, Ned. First on Tunisia, do you have any comment or reaction to the referendum on the constitution?
MR PRICE: Well, the voting is still ongoing as I understand it, so we’re awaiting the official referendum outcome based on the independent high authority for elections in Tunisia. As we’ve always affirmed, it is up to the Tunisian people to decide their political future, and we’ll continue to stand with them, with the Tunisian people, calling for a return to responsive, transparent, and accountable democratic governance that respects human rights and prioritizes the country’s economic future.
QUESTION: And on the Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa Michael Hammer’s meetings in Cairo, UAE, and Ethiopia, do you have any readout?
[]MR PRICE: Well, he has just arrived in the region. I believe we put out a statement – a short statement yesterday announcing that he would travel to Egypt, the UAE, and to Ethiopia from July 24th, yesterday, through a week from today, August 1st. He’ll during that trip provide continuing U.S. support towards forging a diplomatic resolution to issues related to the Grand Ethiopian Resistance – Renaissance Dam, or GERD, that would achieve the interests of all the parties and contribute to a more peaceful and prosperous region.
In Ethiopia, he will also consult with the AU under whose auspices GERD talks occur. He will also have an opportunity in Ethiopia to review the progress on delivery of humanitarian assistance, accountability for human rights violations and abuses, as well as efforts to advance peace talks between the Ethiopian Government and Tigrayan authorities. And as you know, he will affirm what we have consistently said, and that’s that we remain committed to advancing diplomatic efforts in support of an inclusive political process towards lasting peace, security, and prosperity for all the people of Ethiopia.
QUESTION: And do expect Special Envoy Amos Hochstein to go back to the region soon to resume talks between Lebanon and Israel?
[]MR PRICE: As you know, the special – the senior advisor in this capacity Amos Hochstein was in the region just a few weeks ago. He was in both Lebanon and Israel to continue efforts to seek to narrow the gaps and to advance some of the progress we’ve seen on the maritime border issues.
QUESTION: That means – is he going?
MR PRICE: I just don’t have any travel to – to speak to at the moment.
[]QUESTION: And my last question on Iran. After the phone call between the French president and the Iranian president, do you expect any new steps regarding the talks between the U.S. and Iran?
MR PRICE: Well, it’s difficult for me to say because the fact is that it is – the onus is on Iran to come forward to make clear that Tehran is ready to engage constructively, to put aside extraneous issues, and to talk in good faith about the deal that has been on the table for some time.
The Élysée put out a statement and made clear that President Macron of France conveyed precisely the same message we have conveyed indirectly to the Iranians, the same message we had issued publicly for some time: We are prepared to re-enter on a mutual basis the JCPOA. But of course, mutual means it’s a two-way street; the Iranians would need to do the same. We have not yet, at least to date, seen the Iranians indicate that they’re ready to do that.
QUESTION: Thank you.
MR PRICE: Said.